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[I550.Ebook] PDF Download The Singapore Story: Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew, by Kuan Yew Lee, Lee Kuan-Yeu, Lee Kuan Yew

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The Singapore Story: Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew, by Kuan Yew Lee, Lee Kuan-Yeu, Lee Kuan Yew

The Singapore Story: Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew, by Kuan Yew Lee, Lee Kuan-Yeu, Lee Kuan Yew



The Singapore Story: Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew, by Kuan Yew Lee, Lee Kuan-Yeu, Lee Kuan Yew

PDF Download The Singapore Story: Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew, by Kuan Yew Lee, Lee Kuan-Yeu, Lee Kuan Yew

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The Singapore Story: Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew, by Kuan Yew Lee, Lee Kuan-Yeu, Lee Kuan Yew

Visionary? Authoritarian? Model for the West? Lee Kuan Yew, the long-time leader of Singapore, has been called all these things, and more. In these vivid memoirs, Lee takes a profoundly personal look back at the events that led to Singapore's independence and shaped its struggle for success. And, as always, he lets the chips fall where they may.In intimate detail, Lee recounts Singapore's unforgettable history. You'll be with Lee as he leads striking unionists against the colonial government; shares tea and rounds of golf with key players in Britain and Malaya; and drinks warm Anchor beer with leaders of the communist underground at secret midnight meetings. From British colonial rule through Japanese occupation in World War II, Communist insurrection, riots, independence -- and the struggles that followed -- few political memoirs anywhere have been this blunt, or this fascinating.Anyone interested in the political history of Singapore, Asia, and the modern world.

  • Sales Rank: #927324 in Books
  • Published on: 1998-10-14
  • Ingredients: Example Ingredients
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 1.96" h x 6.42" w x 9.26" l, 2.40 pounds
  • Binding: Hardcover
  • 680 pages

From the Publisher
This book is being positively reviewed by Asiaweek Magazine, Newsweek, and National Interest Magazine.

From the Back Cover
Visionary? Authoritarian? Model for the West? Lee Kuan Yew, the long-time leader of Singapore, has been called all these things, and more. In these vivid memoirs, Lee takes a profoundly personal look back at the events that led to Singapore's independence and shaped its struggle for success. And, as always, he lets the chips fall where they may.In intimate detail, Lee recounts Singapore's unforgettable history. You'll be with Lee as he leads striking unionists against the colonial government; shares tea and rounds of golf with key players in Britain and Malaya; and drinks warm Anchor beer with leaders of the communist underground at secret midnight meetings. From British colonial rule through Japanese occupation in World War II, Communist insurrection, riots, independence -- and the struggles that followed -- few political memoirs anywhere have been this blunt, or this fascinating.Anyone interested in the political history of Singapore, Asia, and the modern world.

About the Author
Kuan Yew Lee is the Senior Minister of the Government of Singapore, and former Prime Minister. He is universally recognized as the man who transformed Singapore into the modern nation it has become.

Most helpful customer reviews

71 of 80 people found the following review helpful.
Lee Kuan Yew: Singapore, His Vision
By John C. Taylor
Mr. Lee's book is an outstanding exposition of his vision for Singapore and how he and dedicated comrades made it a reality. For me, it was a special experience in which I was able to check the accuracy of my own research of 25 years ago.
In 1976, my Master's thesis in Asian Studies was entitled Lee Kuan Yew, A Political Biography. It covered the period from Lee's birth until 1963, when Singapore became an independent nation.
In my readings of events in Malaysia and Singapore after WW2, it became apparent that two men, Lee Kuan Yew and Tunku Abdul Rahman, represented strikingly different points of view on how the region should develop. Lee was the assertive representative of the Chinese majority in Singapore (and would-be spokesman of all Straits Chinese). Rahman was a traditional Malay prince and Malaysian prime minister who held very conservative views based on the primacy of the bumiputra, the ethnic Malay minority in its own land. He could not afford to allow Lee to build up Chinese political power on the Malay mainland.
My thesis was simply that Lee Kuan yew came to hold a specific vision of what Singapore should be. When it became clear that his vision could not be realized as a part of Malaysia, there came the split which created the tiny island nation. I based my extensive readings and research mostly upon secondary sources, including writings by Alex Josey and others who worked closely with Lee. I also read Lee's collected speeches and other primary material, as much as was available.
I was pleasantly surprised to find that Mr. lee's first volume showed that I had been credibly accurate in my conclusions about what and how he did to create Singapore. Those conclusions included knowledge of the warts on his political complexion, and the reasons for them. Over the ensuing years, I have read much about how Lee and the People's Action Party ran a repressive police state. Yet, other readings and a short stay in Singapore in 1998 showed me strongly that Singaporeans live in a modern, prosperous and quite open society. The PAP's conservative policies have made it a success story and have also created structures intended to carry the nation forward into a future of more of the same. Mr. Lee's first volume details the struggles and victories which laid the foundation for this success.
I most strongly recommend this book for all who want to understand how one man, leading a group of similarly dedicated colleagues, created a nation which expressed his vision of what it could be, a successful modern society in a part of the world where close neighbors are much less so.

29 of 32 people found the following review helpful.
Inspiring account of the battle for Singapore
By A Customer
This book is a gripping read and puts you strongly on LKY's side in the battle for freeing Singapore from the grips of the colonial British, the communists and finally the Malaysians. Very eye-opening for those Westerners who can't understand how this society came to be both so modern and remain so authoritarian. Full of personal honesty and insight.
LKY is one of the most amazing statespersons this century and is certainly one with incredible political skill - Singapore couldn't be half the country it is today without him. To have coexisted with communists in his party for 10 years and to still have kept his integrity took an inordinate amount of personal character - a strength which has served Singapore enormously well.
However, one complaint I have is that Mr. Lee does not provide a lot of personal insight into what drove him in the battle for Singapore - nowhere in the book does he talk about how or why his love for a free Singapore became so strong, and there is not a lot of insight into the source of his own strengths (of which there are many) and weaknesses (of which he has a few). He seems to have picked up views early on which have never lessened, even as times have changed - for example, he admits that he learned the importance of strong penalties for crimes from his experiences during the Japanese occupation in World War II, yet 50 years on Singapore is the country in the world with the highest number of executions per capita, even more than China - is it really still as important for the country to be as authoritarian now as the Japanese were in wartime?
Also, although Mr. Lee owns up to his mistakes along the way quite openly, he doesn't provide his personal motives behind his long struggle, his feelings for his actions and friends, even when he was clearly overcame as in his breakdown during his independence press conference in August 1965, and the reasons why he was so much more perceptive and successful than other leaders. I hope to see more introspection in the second volume. A wonderful read, nonetheless.

41 of 47 people found the following review helpful.
Surprisingly exciting tale - and the fetish of caning
By Cambodia Fan
Alright, the title was just to get your attention. Although LKY did recall his own childhood caning at the hands of his school master with a little too much relish. That said, the Singapore story is indeed a fascinating one - and in this book LKY did an excellent job of telling his account of that story. With everyone from Margaret Thatcher and George Bush to - somewhat unexpectedly - John Chambers (Cisco CEO) and Scott McNealy (SunMicro CEO) genuflecting in Lee's direction from the dust jackets, there's no need for me to rehash his greatness. Instead, I will try to stay on the critical side of things.
This book is the first in a 2 volume set covering the years from LKY's childhood to 1965, when Singapore was expelled from the Malaysian federation. The book is structured chronologically, thereby giving a very coherent narrative of the years in question. In contrast the 2nd volume of the set is organized into "thematic discussions" from which the reader must piece together the exact sequence of events. The second volume reads a bit like a political testament and will not surprise anyone already knowledgeable about modern Singapore and LKY's many pronouncements. Personally I find this volume to be more interesting because of the many insights that it provided into LKY's mind.
LKY's prose is much like the man himself - factual, direct, sometimes witty, always to the point. Eloquent rhetoric is not his forte, and his lawyerly obsession with details can be tedious at times. One also wishes that Mr Lee had been more reflective on his personal motivations and beliefs, or at least provided more analytical insights into the events and people that he described. Nonetheless, it's a good and often gripping read, and one must simply accept that LKY is not a man to commit acts of introspection in public too often.
What emerges from these pages is how much LKY's political philosophy, and therefore the Shape of modern Singapore, has been mould by his experience as a young man. Lee himself admitted that the 3 years he spent under Japanese occupation were the most influential of his life. From those years he learned about the exercise of raw power, the link between adaptability and survival, not to mention the deterring effects of harsh punishments on crime. (He noted - a little admiringly perhaps - that one could always leave the door open at night under Japanese occupation. The penalty for burglary seems to have been having your head displayed on a stake in a public square.) As one of the best students in Singapore he easily gained admission to Cambridge after the war and spent several happy years as a law student in England. The occasional racism he encountered did not affect him much. On the other had he was so impressed by the Labor welfare state that he remained a Fabian socialist till the 70's. He never did like the Communists though. As the scion of a prominent (though bankrupted by the Depression) family he instinctively disliked the rabble-rousing tactics of the Communists, though his aversion did not prevent him from forming a united front with the Communist MCP in the fight against British colonialism. It should be noted that once self-rule has been achieved, he was not above using the British to clamp down on his MCP allies.
To his credit, the savagery that he witnessed as a young man did not seem to have rubbed off on him. Though often harsh and always Machiavellian, Lee was never bloody, and seldom brutal. In many regards he was a true visionary. Born Chinese, raised among Malays, and educated by the British, he envisioned a multi-racial, multi-cultural nation long before it was politically correct. The rejection of that vision by Malaysia is probably the greatest disappointment of his life. In economic matters, he was that rare breed with the heart of a socialist and the mind of a free-market capitalist - again, long before such notions became the IMF orthodoxy. In political matters, however, he never did seem to move beyond the siege mentality of the early days of independence and never could leave behind the shadows of the Japanese occupiers and Communist subversives. He never grasped the importance of building institutions larger than himself and learned to appreciate the value of an open, competitive political culture. In his book LKY took great pleasure in ridiculing those conservative "King's Chinese" who were born under British rule and could not imagine anything otherwise. It's ironic that in the not too distant future, books may appear ridiculing him as someone born fighting subversives and cannot imagine a world at peace.
There's a fine line separating the great administrator and the truly visionary leader. For more than 40 years LKY has straddled that line. Unfortunately for himself and Singapore, he never did manage to bring his other foot across.

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